TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS: A POST-SUMMIT ASSESSMENT
STATEMENT OF
AMBASSADOR
DR. GŰNTER BURGHARDT
HEAD OF DELEGATION
EUROPEAN COMMISSION DELEGATION TO THE UNITED STATES
BEFORE THE HOUSE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPE
JULY 15, 2004
Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank you and the other Members of the
Subcommittee for this opportunity to review the transatlantic relationship
in light of the recent,
EU-US,
G-8 and
NATO summits. These meetings were indeed valuable in addressing the broad
range of issues of concern to the
transatlantic
relationship. Before proceeding with that overview, Mr. Chairman, I
wish to thank you for your many years of dedicated service to this body
and to the transatlantic relationship. I wish you much success as you take
up your new responsibilities as President of the Asia Foundation.
Today, the transatlantic relationship between the United States and the
European Union constitutes the strongest, most comprehensive and
strategically most important partnership in the world. Our relationship is
founded on shared values and common roots, interests and ideals, a common
appreciation of democratic principles and human rights and covers all
issues of the international agenda, ranging from
trade to development to foreign and security policy. And, as you are
well aware, Mr. Chairman,
transatlantic cooperation is not limited to our ever broader bilateral
relationship, but is essential also in the context of regional and global
fora, such as NATO, the United Nations, the World Trade Organization and
the G-8, the annual informal gathering of the world’s leading
industrialized partners, including the US, the EU and four of its member
states.
Mr. Chairman, it is well known that the transatlantic relationship has
recently experienced an unusual period of turbulence. Disagreements on the
appropriate course of action in dealing with
Iraq have
undeniably strained transatlantic relations to a degree unprecedented
during the past decades. The combined result of the three June summits has
helped to reverse that trend, refocusing our attention on the essentials
of our common agenda, including working together to meet the immediate
challenges in Iraq. The three summits thus helped to restore trust and a
positive orientation to our crucially important bilateral relationship.
If I may add a personal note, Mr. Chairman, having cut my teeth in the
1970s as the US desk officer within the Commission’s external relations
service and having served in various foreign policy capacities during
subsequent decades, I believe we are moving back toward a greater degree
of normality in our relationship. This is a trend that is much to be
welcomed and that I hope will continue.
June began with the G-8 summit, hosted by President Bush in the beautiful
setting of Sea Island, Georgia, and providing our leaders with an
opportunity to exchange ideas on the major challenges facing the world
today. The G-8 Leaders launched the "Partnership for Progress and a Common
Future" to support political, economic and social reform in the Broader
Middle East and North Africa. The timing for such an initiative was indeed
propitious, since Sea Island opened against the background of the
unanimous adoption of
UNSCR 1546 on Iraq, reflecting our common will to
support the Iraqi people and the Iraqi Interim Government. On our side,
the European Council welcomed UNSCR 1546 and pledged its support to the
“reassertion by Iraq of its full sovereignty, the proposed timetable for
political transition to democratic government, the role of the UN and the
authorization for a multinational force.” (See attached document 1.) To
this effect, the
European Council endorsed European Commission proposals
on a new framework for the European Union’s (EU) relations with Iraq,
including actions for the immediate future, the post-election period and
the medium term, to culminate eventually in a bilateral agreement
associating Iraq with the EU’s longstanding policies towards countries in
the region. (See attached document 2.)
The positive spirit at Sea Island also led to a number of initiatives on
other issues, including
Endorsing and Establishing a Global HIV Vaccine
Enterprise, Helping to Stop Polio Forever, as well as Ending the Cycle of
Famine in the Horn of Africa, Raising Agricultural Productivity and
Promoting Rural Development in Food Insecure Countries. (See attached
documents 3, 4 and 5.) Furthermore, the G-8 Leaders endorsed an Action Plan
on a Global Capability for Peace Support Operations (see attached document
6), which focuses on Africa in particular and pledged to support debt
sustainability in the world’s poorest countries through the implementation
of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC).
The annual US-EU Summit that took place in Ireland at Dromoland Castle on
June 26 was the first bilateral summit after the historic
EU enlargement
to 25 Member States and the adoption of the
European Union Constitutional
Treaty. Those recent landmark achievements had clearly lifted the spirits
on the EU side. That, together with the excellent work by Ireland as the
EU Presidency and host country and the fact that President Bush was
obviously determined to narrow past deep divides, were all essential
ingredients in making this by far the most productive EU-US meeting under
the Bush Administration. This is also witnessed by a number of agreements
including that on
PNR
[Passenger Name Record] finalized prior to the summit, the signature of the
GPS/Galileo Agreement during the summit and seven joint declarations on a
wide variety of issues, including Iraq.
The signature at the Summit of the agreement on cooperation between the
Galileo and GPS satellite navigation system is notable both in ensuring
that vital common security interests are protected and in paving the way
for more comprehensive use of this technology for all users, including a
commitment to making the two independent systems compatible and
interoperable. (See document 7.) This technology can now develop into a
valued asset to our economic partnership, which already represents the
largest bilateral trade and investment relationship in the world.
Following the positive example of the G-8, the EU and US also issued a
Joint Declaration of Support for the People of Iraq (see attached document
8), welcoming the establishment of the Iraqi Interim Government and the
transition to Iraqi sovereignty and pledging our assistance to meeting
Iraqi needs. As I have already stated, the European Council has endorsed
European Commission proposals on a new framework for the European Union’s
(EU) relations with Iraq. Also following the example of the G-8, the EU
and US agreed a Joint Declaration Supporting Peace, Progress and Reform in
the Broader Middle East and in the Mediterranean, reaffirming our
continued support for democratic development, human rights, education, and
economic integration in the region. (See attached document 9.) Here the
European Union brings to bear a long and successful record of cooperation
via Euro-Mediterranean Partnerships, which will be further reinforced by
the New Neighborhood Policy and support of the
Middle East Peace Process.
The summit welcomed several positive developments in this area, such as
Israel’s announcement of withdrawal from Gaza and parts of the West Bank
and Egyptian involvement in resolving Gaza-related security issues. The
United States and the European Union, as members of the Quartet, are
working together to ensure the announced withdrawal takes place within the
context of the internationally agreed upon Road Map, as a step towards
enduring peace and a two-state solution.
Reinforcing our common determination to meet the threat of
terrorism, a
challenge posed to all democratic and free societies, the Summit also
adopted a Declaration on Combating Terrorism. (See attached document 10.)
This document opens a new phase of transatlantic cooperation by
emphasizing our desire to deepen the international consensus and enhance
international efforts to combat terrorism. It includes a key commitment to
prevent access by terrorists to financial and other economic resources by
actively supporting the work of the
Financial Action Task Force and at
the same time commits us to work together to address the underlying root
causes of terrorism.
The summit also produced a joint Declaration on Non-Proliferation of
Weapons of Mass Destruction. (See attached document 11.) Here, the European
Union shares the United States’ serious concerns regarding
Iran’s
insufficient cooperation with the IAEA and is equally disturbed by Iran’s
recent announcement of its intention to resume the manufacturing and
assembly of nuclear centrifuges. Reiterating that “the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems is a major threat
to international peace and security,” the Declaration sends a strong
signal to Iran--and to
North Korea--to return to full compliance with
international obligations. Even though the US and EU hold distinct views
on the most effective approach to bringing about the necessary changes in
Iran’s policy, there remains a strong need for transatlantic cooperation
and continued dialogue on this issue.
Addressing several issues of special concern to Africa, the EU and US
agreed Declarations on HIV/AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis and on Sudan.
(See documents 12 and 13.) Both partners agreed to support measures
preventing the spread of communicable diseases, including those taken at
the country level and by the private sector and civil society. With
reference to Sudan, both partners welcomed the Nairobi Declaration and
called upon the Government of Sudan to stop supporting aggressive actions
by militia groups in the Upper Nile region.
In the economic realm, the European Union and the United States reaffirmed
their commitment to work together for the successful conclusion of the WTO
Doha Development Agenda, which is the best guarantee of continued global
economic growth and prosperity. The European Commission’s recent proposals
on
agriculture, which obviously need to be reciprocated by our trading
partners, constitute a bold and constructive initiative, demonstrating our
genuine willingness to break the impasse in this area as well as our
strong determination to make the adoption of a framework for negotiating
modalities in the WTO possible by the end of this month. Such an outcome
would fully validate Ambassador Zoellick’s and Commissioner Lamy’s
determined efforts towards our WTO partners to convince them that 2004
should not be a lost year for DDA purposes.
As we work together in the multilateral area, good progress has already
been made and is continuing in the bilateral area as well. The EU-US
Declaration on the Strengthening of our Economic Partnership adopted by
the Summit draws on an impressive list of achievements in this regard: the
development of a Roadmap for Regulatory Cooperation, which will help
minimize regulatory divergences between the US and the EU, our Financial
Markets Regulatory Dialogue and the recently signed customs agreement on
container security are only but some examples. (See attached document 14.)
More importantly, the Declaration contains a forward looking element which
should lead to the preparation of a roadmap, in early 2005, to further
enhance our economic partnership and eliminate barriers. On this basis,
the next US Administration, the next European Commission and the rotating
EU Presidency will have the opportunity at the
2005 Summit to debate ways
to give the relationship a fresh impetus. This process can only benefit
from active involvement of the various stakeholders and, in this respect,
I would like to mention the valuable contribution of the
Transatlantic
Business Dialogue, which met in the margins of the Summit and with the
Leaders, and which produced suggestions leading to the establishment of a
“barrier-free transatlantic market,” including issues such as trade and
security, accounting standards and the fight against counterfeiting.
Addressing also the compliance issue in our bilateral trade disputes, and
in particular in the single most important one we face at the moment, the
Summit expressed the expectation that Congress will rapidly adopt
legislation repealing the
FSC/ETI. We hope that this will occur before the
end of the mandate of the present Congress. The EU leaders moreover
welcomed President Bush’s offer to have his Administration review aspects
of the current visa system that have raised specific concerns in no less
than 10 of the 25 EU Member States.
Mr. Chairman, let me repeat that, to my mind, the meeting at Dromoland
Castle represented a welcome step toward the return of "normalcy" in our
bilateral relations, focusing on mutual concerns and our important work
together, rather than disagreement on a particular issue.
The third and final summit under review today is that of NATO, held in
Istanbul on June 28 and 29. Here I should limit myself to noting that
interaction between the EU and NATO is a key element also within the
European Union’s Security Strategy as the EU’s military capabilities
evolve. Following the examples of the G-8 and EU-US summits, the NATO
meeting expressed a shared commitment to a free, secure and democratic
Iraq by adopting a statement on Iraq. All NATO members (including 19 EU
Member States) expressed support for the Iraqi people and offered full
cooperation to the new sovereign Interim Government.
The agreements reached in Istanbul on the expansion of the NATO-led ISAF
mission in Afghanistan, the enhancement of the Mediterranean Dialogue, the
launching of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, the strengthening of
NATO’s anti-terrorism efforts and the further development of its
operational capabilities have again highlighted NATO’s continuing
transatlantic importance. The European Union fully supports these
initiatives and has demonstrated its readiness to bring security and
stability to the
Balkans through the intended deployment of a UN-mandated
mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina after the successful conclusion of
NATO’s SFOR operations. Here I would also recall statements made by the EU
High Representative and Foreign Minister-designate Javier
Solana and other
EU leaders, to the effect that the European Union must not shrink from
backing up soft power with hard power. At the same time, we hope our
American friends will recognize that both can play an important role in
promoting our common agenda.
In closing, let me point to the political calendar which on both sides of
the Atlantic provides for important leadership decisions in the autumn. In
the European Union a new European Commission is set to take office on
November 1, with the new Commission President-designate
José Manuel Durão
Barroso, former Prime Minister of Portugal, and the 24 other
Commissioners-designate to be confirmed by the newly elected European
Parliament. On the US side, following Congressional and Presidential
elections on November 2, the next Administration, new or renewed, will as
usual undertake a reassessment of US foreign policy.
Building on the positive results of these most recent summits, the
respective reassessments can provide new momentum in transatlantic
relations in 2005 and beyond. We can do no less. The transatlantic
relationship indeed constitutes an "indispensable partnership" in the
promotion of peace, stability and democracy.
Mr. Chairman, thank you again for this most welcome opportunity. I look
forward to the remarks of my distinguished fellow panelists and will be
pleased to address any questions you or the other Members may have.
1Annex
of Documents
